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April 25, 2008

Virtual course and blog: Government 2.0

Technology, societal changes and new management practices influence how we perceive the roles of government. Moreover, they may transform how government does business and creates public value. However, we might as well fall into the trap of technological determinism--moving from eGovernment straight to Government X.0 hype. Therefore, many predicted a significant transformation of government thanks to new technologies such as ICT, in particular, the Internet while current research shows that the transformation has not happened (e.g. work by West, Norris, Fountain or Lazer). eDemocracy also remains a rethorical promise (Mahrer/Krimmer; UN).

In any case, while I am still working on my contribution to the discourse on Web 2.0 & Government, I have two recommendations for any of our readers interested in the matter:

First, Philipp Mueller, who has already contributed some guest entries to this blog, is offering a course on "Government 2.0" for master students at Erfurt University's School of Public Policy (ESPP) (Spring term 2008). The course covers various aspects such as Web 2.0, open source, NPM, PPP, citizen-centric governance or performance management. The sessions can be viewed online or downloaded as an mp3 file.

Second, a blog by David Osimo, a researcher at the European Commission's Joint Research Centre IPTS, who is working on the impact of Web 2.0 on public services.

March 4, 2008

Commetrix a dynamic network visualization tool

While working at the CeBit, the world's largest IT related fair, I stumbled upon Commetrix, a dynamic network visualization tool, developed by researchers from TU Berlin. The software allows to import data from discussion groups, VoIP, eMail, blogs or social networking sites. Moreover, besides the usual functionality such as centrality, density or zoom, it allows for a timed-based observation of network growth and a parallel visualization of the content (e.g. emails). The latter somehow reminded me of tag clouds although in a much more sophisticated way. Matthias, the project manager, presented a demo of one of their case studies of an Enron email dataset to underline the potential of the tool. The software is only available in English. The possibilities and usabilities were pretty impressive. Though I it would be interesting to hear the opinion from an expert of software in that area. (Please comment)

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Researchers who would be interested in getting a copy of the software or learning more about it should contact Matthias Trier. You should also be able to find some of their work presented at HICSS and Sunbelt online.

February 24, 2008

Tapping on the wisdom of the crowd: Social network analysis software tools on Wikipedia

Together with Jana Diesner, CMU, and Matthias Meyer, WHU, I have started to collect information on social network analysis software packages and libraries.
In order to be able to make a selection from a larger pool of tools, we searched the literature and the Web for archives of tools that are widely accepted. Our goal here was to compile a systematic and (to an extent) exhaustive list of tools along with their main features, application areas and possibilities for interoperability across tools. We failed in this effort.
Clearly, there is a plethora of listings of some of the tools according to more or less explicitly stated categorization or selection criteria out there (e.g. INSNA and the chapter by Huisman and Duijn (2005) on Software for Social Network Analysis).
However, none of these lists seemed complete or up-to-date to us. We noticed that compiling our own list leads to the exact same problems, and we think we are not the only ones who went through this process. We thought this might be a good case for putting the wisdom of crowd idea into action in the social networks community. Our rationale here is that no single Web editor or researcher needs to carry the burden of building and/or maintaining such a collection, but collectively this goal can be achieved with very little individual effort.
Wikipedia has an elaborated site on Social networks (the Social network analysis site is automatically redirected there). We started to expand the network analytic section by adding a table – which was moved by the community within a day to a new page now called Social Network Analysis Software that allows everyone to add a tool along with a URL, short description, unique feature, platform it runs on, price.
We hereby invite the social network community members to add their tools and/ or to edit/ fill some of the cells in the table. Note, the present structure of the table is a suggestion, and can be modified by anyone. Potentially, this table and the references associated with it might grow -in this case we might move the table to a new page that will be linked from the current page. If you have trouble working with the Wikipedia Table you can also send your information to Jana and we will integrate it into Wikipedia. We are looking forward to the collective results!

Ines Mergel
Jana Diesner
Matthias Meyer

January 17, 2008

Social Network Feedback in Real Time

The Media Lab had an event for our corporate sponsors in Tokyo, and we thought it would be a good opportunity for us to demonstrate how sensing technologies afford real time feedback on behavior, specifically one’s social network. 70 participants (60 from the sponsor companies, 10 from the Media Lab) wore the Sociometric badges during the event, which lasted all day on January 17. One third of the participants from each company wore the badges, although when only one person from a company came they got a badge.

The badges recorded which badges were recognized over IR (corresponding to a face-to-face interaction) and then transmitted this information over a 2.4 GHz radio through intermediate basestations to a badge attached to a computer through USB. That badge then sent the information over USB to a database, which was read out by a social network visualization program (a modification of the GUESS system developed by Eytan Adar). This visualization program pulled interaction data from the database and then added edges to the social network diagram if a new interaction was detected, while at the same time modifying the layout using popular layout algorithms. The visualization itself was projected onto a large screen in the break/lunch room.

Naturally, all of this was done in real time, with a very small delay from an interaction being detected to it being rendered on the screen. It was really fantastic to see the data rendered that quickly, and crowds of people were gathering around the screen (and in some unfortunate cases blocking the projector) to see where they were on the visualization and how many people they had met. I had many people come to me throughout the day exclaiming how the visualization “Inspired [them] to network more and gave [them] a great appreciation for the value of an event like this.” Unique numbers, not names, were displayed on the visualization, so only the participant could identify themselves. Still, I noticed people pointing each other’s nodes out to colleagues and almost “keeping score.” Participants would check the visualization, go around and meet with some other people, and then check again, comparing themselves with colleagues. It was all great fun.

Initially I had assumed that each company would form its own small cluster, with perhaps a few links interspersed between the groups. You can see a screenshot of the SN diagram before lunch, after lunch, and after the last break (except for these breaks, all of the time was spent listening to lectures from Media Lab students and faculty). I’ll add pictures of the actual projected display and the set up as soon as I get them.

EDIT: Here's a picture of the visualization at the event:

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Above: Visualization being discussed by myself and Schlumberger managers

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Above: SN Diagram before lunch

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Above: SN Diagram after lunch

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Above: SN Diagram after the last break

From almost the very beginning there was one giant component with a strong core-periphery structure, although the density of the component increased over the course of the event. It appears that there were two factors that led to this structure:

1. Media Lab participants, who all spoke to each other and spoke with many sponsor companies

2. Research affiliates: members of sponsor companies who had also worked at the Media Lab as visiting researchers. These participants knew other research affiliates who had been at the Media Lab from different companies at the same time as well as the Media Lab participants.

The research affiliates also ended up introducing participants to one another, and I believe demonstrated extremely the kind of social capital that is generated through such an exchange program. In fact, Prof. Hiroshi Ishii, who organized the event, felt that this visualization could be presented to potential and current sponsors as an additional way to show the value of Media Lab sponsorship.

We are also going to analyze the data collected with the Sociometric badges to see if we can predict company affiliation, recognize research affiliates, and so on. We will also incorporate additional information into the visualization. I believe that this visualization was a success because of its simplicity, but if we add information such as accelerometer, speech, and proximity data, then participants may gain an even better understanding of what’s happening in their environment, as well as how they can interact with it.

January 10, 2008

Cary Coglianese: Weak Democracy, Strong Information: The Role of Information Technology in the Rulemaking Process

Below is a guest entry from one of the contributors to Governance and Information Technology: From Electronic Government to Information Government, Cary Coglianese, based on his chapter.

Weak Democracy, Strong Information:
The Role of Information Technology in the Rulemaking Process

Cary Coglianese

Policymakers and scholars predict that information technology will foster a "strong democracy" in the process of creating new government regulations, transforming -- indeed, some say "revolutionizing" -- the rulemaking process. Currently, the way government agencies like OSHA, EPA, and the FDA make new regulations remains relatively obscure, but several so-called e-rulemaking projects in the United States -- such as the creation of Regulations.Gov -- specifically aim to tap into the purported transformational potential of the Internet and increase the role citizens play in the regulatory process. For example, according to Peter Shane, one of the nation's leading scholars of law and information, the federal government’s current e-rulemaking initiative “seems to hold out the potential to enlarge significantly a genuine public sphere in which individual citizens participate directly to help make government decisions that are binding on the entire polity.”

Is this faith in the transformative power of information technology justified? Those who believe it is point to cases in which a large number of citizens have used the Internet to submit comments on proposed regulations. For example, hundreds of thousands of comments from the public came in on a U.S. Department of Agriculture rulemaking on organic foods, a Federal Communications Commission decision on the concentration of ownership of media outlets, and a U.S. Forest Service proceeding to ban roads in wilderness areas.

Yet despite the large absolute number of comments filed in a few highly controversial rulemakings, it is far from clear that information technology will, as a general matter, transform rulemaking into anything close to the ideals of strong democracy. For one thing, those rulemakings that generate comments in the hundreds of thousands still constitute only a minute fraction (even a fraction of a fraction) of the several thousands of new federal rules issued each year. By far, most rulemakings continue to elicit little attention from the public. Furthermore, for the exceedingly rare rule that may generate a half million or more comments, even this level of participation still represents only less than 5 percent of the total voting-age population in the United States. We know that participation by citizens in presidential elections — the most salient avenue for public participation in government — is quite low relative to other wealthy nations, so it would be surprising if the mere existence of information technology led to a consequential increase in participation over rulemaking in the U.S.

Major barriers to citizen participation in rulemaking will remain even with advances in information technology. One of these barriers is the specialized knowledge needed to participate meaningfully in the often highly technical decisions raised by rulemaking. Improving the accessibility of regulatory information on the Internet provides no guarantee that a significantly greater number of citizens will actually be able to process that information well. To imagine that information technology will dramatically increase citizens' involvement in rulemaking is a bit like imagining that making it possible to download technical automobile manuals or order car parts on-line will turn a great number of car owners into do-it-yourself mechanics. A small subset of people like engineers and car buffs will surely find it easier to fix their own cars, but most of us will be none the wiser. As long as most citizens lack more than the most rudimentary knowledge of how government works and of the technical issues underlying most rulemakings, information technology will not effectuate any but the most trivial change in ordinary citizens’ engagement in regulatory policymaking. Rather than inspiring members of the public to participate in the arcane or technical discussions surrounding government regulations, technology is instead being used by citizens to communicate with friends and family, follow sports and games, or engage in other forms of entertainment.

If information technology is not sufficient to engage a broad segment of the public in meaningful deliberation about regulatory policy issues, should e-rulemaking efforts be abandoned? Only if e-rulemaking’s sole or main purpose is to advance strong democracy. But notwithstanding the arguments made by its proponents, strong democracy is not the most realistic and compelling justification for e-rulemaking. A much more pragmatic objective is to expand and solidify the information base underlying regulatory decision-making. Regulators are undoubtedly better informed when they receive input from outside experts and interested parties. These outsiders bring distinct perspectives on regulatory problems based both on their differences in interests and differences in the scale or level at which they interact with a regulatory issue. The local sanitation engineer for the City of Milwaukee, for instance, will probably have useful insights about how new EPA drinking water standards should be implemented that might not be apparent to the American Water Works Association lobbyists in Washington, D.C. If e-rulemaking makes it more feasible for that local sanitation engineer, or other knowledgeable and motivated experts and affected interests across the country, to become aware of and submit comments on relevant regulations, then e-rulemaking can meaningfully expand the information base for regulators’ decisions.

As such, even though e-rulemaking is unlikely to achieve the goals of strong democracy, it is reasonable to expect regulators' decision making can be improved by allowing at least a somewhat broader set of well-organized and sophisticated actors to mobilize their resources, monitor government decision-making, and share potentially valuable information and insights with government officials. Rather than advancing "strong democracy," e-rulemaking seems more likely to achieve a more modest "weak democracy" -- but with the promise of delivering additional "strong information."

November 30, 2007

Options of 311 and a glimpse at Germany's plans for a networked N-1-1 solution (D-115 Buergertelefon) - Part I

The move to establish an easy to remember number (311) for non-emergency government services has lately gained attention around the globe. There are now initiatives underway in Germany (D115) and the UK (101). After 10 years, more and more counties and cities decide to start 311 projects. Yet 311 is far from being available for the whole population in the U.S. if we consider an earlier post of mine (map of U.S./Canadian 311 service center projects). In order to discuss the alternative or future options of 311 I will first take a look at the general options a government can follow to establish the phone as public service delivery channel. Part I will present the five options. The combination of performance management and service centers is mostly excluded to reduce complexity. The models are based on a country with a federal government structure. Part II which will be added in a couple of days will discuss the future of 311 and issues such as performance management.

The central approach
At first glance it is probably the easiest way to set up a central service center for any government. This can be a single, big service center or a number of service centers which are virtually connected. In Figure 1 below a service-center that covers more than one level of government (either of the same level e.g. several cities or several cities and a county) is called "Regional Service Center". The core aspect of this concept is the central character: Governance, finance (e.g. federal budget) and data bases. While centrality makes many things like setting standards or reducing redundancies easy, data bases are the central challenge of this approach. Not the technology but rather the content. Just gathering and maintaining the data from all levels of governments sounds like a goal that is either unrealistic (if we consider the principle of subsidiarity in a federal state which is many times protected by the constitution) or never ending. Moreover, if we think of the way 311 is used as a tool for performance management and tapping into the local knowledge of citizens there is challenge on how this data gets redistributed to the right sources.

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Figure 1: The Central Approach


The 311 approach
I am not going into much detail here. An advantage of 311 is that it avoids the political battles of a central approach or the move to start with a multi-jurisdictional approach. Figure 2 shows the current situation in the U.S. We have mostly 311 centers on the local level. They may have information on higher jurisdictions in their data bases but they are generally not fully integrated in the service value chain. A few Regional Service Centers can be found already. For example, Miami-Dade County has integrated the City of Miami. 34 cities have not been integrated yet. The challenge of administrators in Miami-Dade derives from budget constraints (property tax issue) or the regulatory environment. An additional challenge is to come up with finance and service level agreements that result in benefits for both sides and a sustainable service to the citizens. As one administrators once pointed out to me: "Setting up the call center and data base is easy. Changing the integrated administrations (departments) and preparing them for the change in citizens' expectation is the real challenge". Finally, Figure 2 also points to two further issues of this approach. First, 311 results in a lot of isolated and many times redundant relationships (either data or other form of agreements). Second, it is difficult to realize country wide accessibility. Less populated areas, therefore, the municipalities will lack the financial and HR capacity to realize 311 on their own.

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Figure 2: The 311 Approach


The Central/311 Hybrid approach
This model (Figure 3) is generally a combination of the central and the 311 approach. Certain information and services that are provided by higher jurisdictions (here: State/Federal) are managed and available from a central unit/access point. This avoids some of the redundancies of the 311 approach. Regional and local service centers may develop at different speeds and provide varying degrees of services. Therefore, political battles are less likely to come up as would be the case in the central model. Service centers are not exchanging their local data or services with other service centers.

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Figure 3: The Central/311 Hybrid Approach


The Networked Approach
The networked approach generally builds on most of the components described in the 311 model. The core difference is that all of the service centers build a network. Information is shared widely while each service center integrates government entities based on its needs or plans. Figure 4 shows the complexity of the network and the probability of creating highly redundant activities and relationships. In order for the network to function all members need to establish some form of governance to solve issues of standards and coordination.

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Figure 4: The Networked Approach


The Multi-centric Approach
The Multi-centric approach combines aspects of the central, 311 and network approach. It characteristics of a central approach because there are central units/db which provide information/services/coordination for a certain subset of service-centers within one "center". The service centers can evolve at different speeds and service-depths. They can be local or regional service centers. Therefore, the multi-centric approach starts like the current 311 activities. However, there is a core difference. Within one "center" the service centers are supposed to coordinate their efforts. In addition, there is a central unit (see top left of Figure 5) which coordinates and supports (e.g. good practice sharing, etc.) the overall efforts of all the "centers" and the service centers. Finally, the multi-centric approach also adopts the idea of the network approach. Each center shares information/services with other centers.

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Figure 5: The Multi-centric Network Approach

The multi-centric model is currently the favored approach for the introduction of the project "D115 Behördentelefon / Behördeneinheitliche Rufnummer" in Germany.

September 27, 2007

Overview of U.S. and Canadian 311 city and county service center

I have created a mash-up of the U.S. and Canadian 311 projects (last update: 9/26/07) which I would like to share with you. There are currently around 70 service centers (311) in the U.S.. Most of the 311 projects have been realized on the municipal level and in most of the U.S. biggest cities. While 11 countys have decided to offer 311, not all of them are multi-jurisdictional, that is information and services from the municipalities within a county are not integrated. Furthermore, 311 services can have various levels of sophistication and may either be operated by the police department or by newly generated 311 service units/departments.

The first city to test 311 was Baltimore in 1996, however, it was Chicago which used 311 in 1999 in a much broader way for public service provision, city management and accountability. The City of Chicago's 311 still is the first place to visit and learn from for many elected officials and public managers. Today, New York City is the biggest 311 implementation in the U.S. (size of the service center/ population served) and probably the most well known implementation due to the global media coverage it received. With a pop of approx. 5400 Alaska's City of Bethel is the smallest place to use the number.

Except for the City of Somverille none of the cities in Massachusetts have implemented 311. Given the close proximity of cities in the greater Boston metro area its really hard to understand from a citizen's perspective why there couldn't be a single 311 solution for the whole area. After all, there would be around 3.6 million people less to serve than in NYC and there should be many information redundancies.


View Larger Map

Blue = Municipal 311 (Realized)
Red = County 311 (Realized)
Yellow = Planning or implementation stage
Green = 311 in Canada

If you know about new 311 projects please email me.

September 19, 2007

Finding those mutual friends

There has been a spate of stories (also this story from globe) recently about the use of cell phones to track the locations of your friends. There has also been some talk of linking data from the social networking sites to cell phones, so, for example, you could walk into a room and instantly find someone who you had never met, but who was a friend of a friend (through facebook or some other database that was stored in the phone).

These are clever ideas, but let me throw out another idea: a program for phones that facilitates those “you grew up in Long Island? Did you know John Smith, by any chance?” moments. (A small digression—this exact question (except for the name) was posed to me once. And, surprisingly, I actually did know the person in that case.)

The basic idea is quite simple—if you are talking to someone, and you both have the program, have the phones link via Bluetooth and:

1) find overlapping phone numbers and report them back. A more extensive version of this would also match any incoming or outcoming calls the phones have ever made.

2) collect and match structured data about the owners of the phones—where and when you went to school, where you’ve lived different years, etc., and report back matches. This is all of that information that people initially exchange when they meet. While no substitute, this could be faster and more thorough way to those “Do you know” questions. That is, you would both instantly find out if you both happened to live in Ann Arbor for the same two years in the 1990s.

This would not be a hard program to write, but there is the classic chicken-egg problem of how to get enough people to sign on to make it work. Not my problem—but if you write such a program, let me know.

August 4, 2007

Are you in my network?

Interesting article in the NYT this morning: it seems as if the business strategies of cellphone networks have an impact on social networks. People who are in the same network talk more to each other, than people who don't have the same cellphone network.

The article explains how in informal friendship networks the frequency and duration of cellphone calls is lowered as soon as one of the participants switches to another network and that business acquaintances become "friends" through longer and more frequent phone calls when they are in the same cellphone network.

They refer to research on cellphone use being conducted at the Universities of Notre Dame and Michigan. I am wondering if people here at the Media Lab have found out a similar connection: a question for our bloggers Ben and David.

I had not thought about my own personal cellphone usage in this way, mainly because I am not checking how many minutes I have left. From a research standpoint, is your cellphone network/provider really powerful enough to influence the duration and frequency of interactions with people you do not consider your friends and only talk to on purely professional topics?

March 27, 2007

DevalPatrick.com

Deval Patrick recently relaunched his campaign website to be a Web 2.0 style website, allowing anyone to post issues and have people vote on them-- see Boston Globe article, which is implicitly critical. It’s an interesting experiment, and notable that it is not an official government website, but still, essentially, a campaign website (e.g., you can donate money to his campaign).

March 14, 2007

Social Networks and Communication Neworks

The University of Toronto’s NetLab has been doing some exciting research on how to measure social networks and communication behavior. Their recent conference paper, “Collecting Social Network Data to Study Social Activity-Travel Behavior: An Egocentric Approach,” discusses new methods of collecting data about social network, travel behavior, and the use of communication technologies. This is exciting research because it shows how to effectively measure two important elements of social life – the cognitive dimension of perceiving the existence of social ties, and the behavioral dimension of interaction that actually occurs with social ties. Moreover, this research incorporates multiple types of communication, including communication that occurs in-person, telephone, and email. The advantage of this approach is that rather collecting data about only certain kinds of ties or ways of interacting – such as the General Social Survey’s question about “those with whom you discuss important matters” – measuring both the cognitive and behavioral elements of social ties gives a more comprehensive understanding of the extent to which social life exists in America and how it actually occurs.

February 15, 2007

Mobile phones in the developing world - Part III

I recently came across another interesting news article about the adoption of mobile phones in developing countries. This particular article focuses on mobile phone adoption from the perspective of companies who are selling mobile phones in India. These companies are scrambling to make low-cost phones that will endure dust, heat, and long periods of time without recharging. What strikes me most about this article are the lengths that people living under impoverished conditions will go to connect, and stay connected, with their social networks. Having little else, they are still willing to spend a large amount of their income on a single piece of social technology. Yet, from the social support perspective, this makes perfect sense. If people in India are anything like those studied in America, they exchange different kinds of support with different kinds of ties, and mobile phones enable them to stay connected to a variety of ties like never before. On the other hand, while Americans often use their networks to get ahead, people in India may need them just to get by.

January 31, 2007

Mobile phones in the developing world - Part II

Inspired by Jeph's entry on mobile phones and the developing world, I would like to provide some additional information on this topic. In Africa, 50% of telephone lines are in major cities and 90% of Africa’s overall telephone network is located in South Africa. Mobile phone penetration is now about 9% compared to an internet penetration of 2.6%. Morocco’s mobile phone penetration was 24 per 100 inhabitants in 2004, while fixed line penetration remained unchanged at its 1995 level (4 per 100 inhabitants). Indeed, Researchers of London Business School (Link to the study sponsored by Vodafone) found that, in a typical developing country, a rise of ten mobile phones per 100 people boosts GDP growth by 0.6 percentage points. Here is a link to a presentation by one of the researchers.
Average US landline/cell phone penetration is around 94% compared to an average internet penetration of 68% in the US. According to the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) overall landline penetration in Europe was 56% and 88% of the population had mobile phones in 2004. Asian countries like Japan or Korea remain the leaders in 3G and are already working on the next version. All in all, mobile phones are much more pervasive and capable to bridge the digital divide (infrastructure, socia or income related).

Update: Here is a link to a related study in the McKinsey Quarterly that just came out.

January 29, 2007

Mobile Phones in the Developing World

I always enjoy reading about how communication technologies are adopted in different counties. I recently read an article in the Washington Post about the use of mobile phones in the "developing world," which does a good job of mentioning the many social factors that explain why mobile phones are often heavily adopted in poor countries.

Of the many factors mentioned, I was most struck by the argument that that people in poor countries may find mobile phone email particularly useful because it is extremely low cost and non-intrusive. These are the same two factors that helped kick-start the now highly prevalent use of mobile phone email in Japan. Japanese teens were the first in Japan to use mobile phone email, because it was cheep enough for them to use often and because its non-intrusive nature allowed them to stay connected without drawing attention from parents and teachers. Of course, there also many differences between the uses of mobile phone email among Japanese teens and those in poor countries. Many Japanese teens received phones from their parents, while people in poor countries often adopt them for business purposes. Nevertheless, the interesting thing about these two cases is that it was the congruency between the affordances of the technology and the social situations that ultimately lead to its integration into everyday life.

January 17, 2007

New PEW Study on Online Social Networking Websites and Youth

The PEW Internet & American Life Project has just published a new study on Online Social Networking Websites and Youth.

They define online social networking websites as:

A social networking site is an online place where a user can create a profile and build a personal network that connects him or her to other users.

One of the main and interesting findings is that 55% of the teens between 12-17 are using social networking platforms to connect with their friends online - girls mainly to reinforce existing relationships and boys more to connect to new friends or dating purposes. The findings also show, that 82% of the respondents said, that they are using online social networking sites to stay in contact with friends who they rarely see.

This supports the theory in our working paper on the sustainability of online ties, that social networking platforms can support the maintenance of existing ties or to reconnect with former friends. See my earlier entry on the sustainability of online ties here on the IQ blog and also on my social networking blog.

January 13, 2007

cRANKy.com - first age-relevant search engine/social networking plattform

I just discovered the first age-relevant search engine - slash social networking plattform: cRANKy.com. It is targeted towards +50 year olds (seniors and baby boomers). They intend to provide information on specific topics such as jobs after retirement, how to become 100 years old, how to make new friends, etc.

I like the “How to make friends” section - which ties into what Thomas and I are working on: people in specific phases of their lifes are only adding specific types of (new) contacts to their network of friends. Especially when you retire - you won’t see your co-workers on a daily basis anymore, your routines are changing and you might loose some of your contacts. See my earlier post on the sustainability of online ties.

It’s also great, that the most relevant topics are pre-sorted by relevance (to avoid being overwhelmed by too many results), there are some prominent buttons to increase the text size and you can top 10 yourself, so that information can be pushed at you.

December 8, 2006

What makes online ties sustainable?

Recently we heard more and more that online social networking platforms don’t really work - Alexa teaches us, that people tend to sign up for MySpace, Facebook or openBC, but platform providers have the hardest time to keep the network alive: people tend to sign up, but don’t or only infrequently come back to their profile.
This made my co-author Thomas Langenberg, EPFL Lausanne in Switzerland, and me start to think about the question: What makes online ties sustainable? We came up with a research design that looks at four different phases of a life cycle of online ties.

Here is the abstract of our paper:

Recently, the Pew Internet & American Life Project published a study about the number of social relations people maintain online and the omnipresent question was raised again: are actual face-toface contacts declining over time and are they replaced by online social interactions. Our virtual life is scattered in online profiles across sites such as openBC.com, Friendster.com, Match.com or MySpace.com. There are currently more than 400 different online social networking sites – with new sites popping up every day. Building on existing factors of persistence and sustainability of network ties in general, we address the key research questions: Which factors lead to the creation, maintenance, decay and reconnection of online network ties? Our research draws on prominent issues in the social network literature, which address the gap between research on offline and online social networks. We examine individual, dyadic, structural and content-related characteristics to understand how and why actors in different phases of their life cycle turn to online ties. Within the presented research framework, we derive propositions and develop a research design to collect and analyze qualitative and quantitative network data. The overall goal is to develop recommendations on how online social networks can become sustainable over time, and we develop questions and avenues for further research.

We came up with the following taxonomy of online vs. offline networks in our paper:

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You can download the full paper on our Working Paper website of the Program on Networked Governance.

Full citation:

Mergel, I./Langenberg, T. (2006): What makes online ties sustainable? A Research Design Proposal to Analyze Online Social Networks, PNG Working paper No. PNG06-002, Cambridge.

November 9, 2006

Mobile Phone Service Providers and Customer Location Information

I recently finished serving as an expert witness in a court case in which I had to provide my opinion about the possible locations of a mobile phone given cellular tower IDs and base station positions. While this information had to be subpoenaed from Verizon as part of the litigation, it may be disconcerting for some to acknowledge that in databases distributed throughout the world, mobile phone service providers are storing records of location and social network data for one out of three people on Earth.

Besides the data’s obvious utility in courtroom trial cases like the one I was testifying in, I’m curious about the long-term consequences of commercial companies recording a time series of locations and communication events for billions of people. Who legally owns this data? Because carriers like T-Mobile & Sprint now publicly disclose the locations of their towers, base station locations are no longer the corporate secret they once were, and subsequently can’t be used to prevent customers from obtaining the location information collected about them. If I ask my T-Mobile representative to provide me with my call log history, they don’t seem to have a problem with disclosing my communication events to me. However, when asked to provide me with an approximation of the locations associated with each of my calls, they still claim this is prohibited. So, empirically at least, it doesn’t appear that the customers own the location data collected about them. And if the customers don’t own this information, then I imagine by default, the mobile operators are the ones who own the records of movement data for all of their customers.

What guidelines do mobile operators have to abide by when using this data? Can it be sold to a 3rd party? How much would a detailed time-series of my locations over the last five years go for on Ebay? Who would be the highest bidder? Urban planning consultants interested in public transportation usage? Companies working on developing the next census? Wall St traders interested in where I’m doing my grocery shopping?

This data clearly has value. Already carriers are selling real-time location information to companies who use this information to extrapolate the location and speed of the individual and use this data to offer road traffic updates and forecasts. As the major carriers’ billion dollar networks turn into a commodity infrastructure, mobile operators are going to be ever more interested in monetizing the location data generated from their customers. (“This speeding ticket has been brought to you courtesy of Cingular Wireless. Raising the bar.”)

So here is an exercise for the interested reader – call up your own service provider and ask for the location information associated with your call logs. Let me know if you’ve had any luck.

March 15, 2006

The Social Affordances of Email in Japan and America

During a recent presentation at the University of Tokyo I discussed the social affordances of email. I defined social affordances as the social opportunities and constraints provided by technology. (If you want to read more about this topic, see my co-authored paper : "The Social Affordances of the Internet for Networked Individualism," in Journal of Computer Mediated Communication, 8, 3.) After I listed a number of email’s social affordances, one of the audience members pointed out that those affordances only apply to PC based email. By contrast, there exists a substantially different set of affordances for mobile phone based email. Given that my research is only about the use of email in America, my lack of attention to mobile phone email was intentional. There are not enough Americans using this technology for it to be relevant to my current research. Nevertheless, this comment got me thinking about the difficultly of making cross-national generalizations about the social uses of particular technologies. For example, even though the use of PC email is almost as common in Japan as it is in America, the wide-spread use of mobile phone email in Japan may change how the Japanese use PC email.

Continue reading "The Social Affordances of Email in Japan and America" »

March 8, 2006

Network Visualization Tools

I find that when I’m inundated with network data, the best way to get my head around it is through visualization. The human eye seems to be able to identify the important structure and topological dynamics much easier than an algorithm. Over the years I’ve spent most of my time using a Window/Linux application called Pajek. I use a Matlab script to turn an adjacency matrix into files that Pajek can interpret as a network. It supports different shapes, colors, and edges - and even can visualize (more or less) dynamic networks.

pajek_networks_sm.png

One of my Pajek networks from here.

However, things start to break down when the networks go beyond a few hundred nodes. There are several packages for large-scale network visualization - however most come with serious limitations. Walrus creates beautiful networks, but unfortunately they need to be spanning trees.

walrus.png
A 500,000 node Walrus network

There are plenty of other network analysis tools out there - but it’d be great to hear people’s experiences actually using them on real data...

February 14, 2006

What would you do with the telephone call network of an entire country?

I’m beginning a collaboration with British Telecom in an effort to analyze their massive call network dataset. This is a dynamic, directed network that contains ~250 million nodes (ie: distinct phone numbers) and ~2000-5000 edges (ie: calls) generated each second. The phone numbers are of course one-way hashed such that it is impossible to link a node’s identifier to an actual phone number. However we do have information about the country and region to which the node belongs (ie: country code / area code). While it is not inclusive of every call to and from the UK, it is estimated that the dataset includes approximately 80% of landline calls and 30% of mobile calls.

So my question to the complex systems / social network community is this: what are some questions we should attempt to ask of this dataset? Possible examples include calculating the strength of a particular region’s relationships with other regions and countries, analyzing the dynamics involved in “call cascades?, inferring the average size of an individual’s hierarchical social groups (from close friend to possible acquaintance), etc...

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While many metrics may be impossible to calculate for a network of this magnitude, simple sampling can yield interesting results. For example, the plot above represents the duration of outgoing calls from 100,000 randomly sampled nodes during 6 month intervals over the course of October 1995 to March 1998. It is clear that there are an increasing number of very long calls (over 10^4.2 seconds ~ 4.5 hours) which could be a good indicator of the uptake of dial-up internet in the UK during this timeframe.

February 12, 2006

Longitudinal Data and the Adoption of Technology

I've spent this last week working on a paper with Kakuko Miyata and Barry Wellman. The paper uses longitudinal survey data collected in Japan to understand the causal relationship between the use of keitai (internet enabled mobile phones) and the reception of social support. This is one of the first opportunities that I've had to write a paper based on longitudinal data, and I'm thoroughly enjoying the experience. In addition to providing me with an understanding of the causal relationship between the technology and social behavior, the data is also allowing me to chart the adoption of a new technology, as it has become integrated into lives a general public. This experience has made me wonder about the extent to which the adoption of keitai is the result of a social network structure that is more prevalent in Japan than in countries. My hope is that more longitudinal studies of this nature will be conducted in different countries, so that I might someday better understand the extent to which adoption patterns are the result of differences in network structure, vs. other factors, such as culture, marketing, or investment in technological infrastructure.

February 10, 2006

The Strength of Weak Ties Revisited - A Practical Example

Having discussed Granovetter's seminal paper on "The Strength of Weak Ties" in our last class on Network Analysis, I just found a 21st century application of the theory on the website of Ideentower.blogs.com.

There is a relatively new service on the web, which allows people to connect to each other when traveling from A to B. The service is called AirTroductions and provides interested individuals to register and subsequently look for other, unknown individuals, that might be on the same flight. The purpose of the service is to allow people make interesting contacts which eventually lead to all type of relationships.

I found this interesting as another example for how easy it is today to build weak ties with modern web technology!

January 31, 2006

Follow up: Google bombs and the autonomy of search engine vendors

In my entry on Google bombs on 11/19/2005 I raised the following question:

"How will governments react to such movements of altering the search results in an unfavorable way in the future as knowledge becomes more important? How will search engine providers react? The easiest way to approach this would be to influence or enforce rules on search engine vendors. Hence, we could ask whether search engine providers need to be kept as autonomous as central banks with respect to knowledge?"

Well, as of 1/25/2006 we got an answer to this when reports on Google's self-censored search engine for China came out. However, as a other reports show, censorship also exists in other countries like Germany or France for certain terms. So in fact there is a need to watch developments in this regard carefully...What do you think or propose?

Related articles:
Harvard Law School, Berkman Center for Internet & Society
NY Times on Google and China search engine version
Wired on Google and their geolocations on searches

Continue reading "Follow up: Google bombs and the autonomy of search engine vendors" »

January 22, 2006

Citizen Relationship Management ? - Part I

My next entries will discuss the application of Customer Relationship Management in the public sector. Other terms used are citizen or constituent relationship management. As this is a relatively new topic and less applied concept in the pulic sector I hope our visitors are interested in sharing some of their ideas or questions with me.

What is CiRM?
In how war is CiRM different from CRM?
How is it understood in government?
How is CiRM implemented?
Will it have an impact on customer service in the ps? What other impacts do you expect.
What other questions should we ask?

I am looking forward for your input. I will provide further information on Citizen Relationship Management at my website.

January 9, 2006

NSA data mining—what patterns to look for: expansive scenario (II)

A more expansive scenario would be that the NSA collects all phone log data from US sources as well as non-US calls that pass through US switches, plus locational information from cell phones where available (+ e-mail traffic, etc).

The expansive scenario offers a significant security and logistical advantages to the NSA. The security advantage is that under the more limited scenario, the NSA would have to share critical security information with telecomms, by asking them for information about only certain individuals. That delimited information is terribly sensitive intelligence—by telling telecomms who they want to monitor, etc, it is essentially telling them who the government has received intelligence about.

Continue reading "NSA data mining—what patterns to look for: expansive scenario (II)" »

January 7, 2006

NSA data mining—what patterns to look for (I)

So, what data mining could one do with the data the NSA has collected from telecomm companies? Obviously, it is still unclear as to what is being collected, so this is quite speculative, which is a little different from my normal role of cautious academic. My hope is that this speculation, in the end, will yield some productive discourse about this important subject. I also want to make clear that I am not endorsing (or condemning) such data mining for now. Later I will discuss some of the privacy and policy issues. For now, I just want to do a thought experiment of how one might analyze these data in a fashion that might detect terrorist activity.

My assumption here is that the objective is to identify candidate nodes (individuals) for surveillance.

I am going to start with what I consider a less expansive scenario. In this particular scenario, one is starting out with some phone numbers and e-mails that are designated as “high risk?—e.g., from other intelligence. A simple analysis would simply snowball outwards from these high risk nodes to their contacts, and to their contacts’ contacts, etc. As one snowballs outwards, one will likely find overlaps, where some nodes are members of multiple circles. In the simplest analysis, the more circles that a node is a member of (and the closer to the center of those circles), the higher risk they should be considered.

Obviously, the analysis should get substantially hairier than that, because of the nature of the sampling from the network. For example, I am guessing that the identifications of high risk nodes are not independent events. Imagine that an Al Qaeda cell is identified and its members apprehended in Jordan, and their computers, address books (or equivalents) acquired. One would then snowball outwards from these contacts. However, to find overlap among the contacts of these cell members presumably conveys different information than if one found overlap among the contacts of different cells from different countries (presumably the latter would be more significant).

One could devise a weighting system that depends on the number of paths that go through a particular node, other information about nodes, etc, to develop a ranking of who should be watched. These weights could be validated by fitting them to part of the network data, and then examining whether the technique was effective at identifying those nodes that you knew were already “high risk.?

Ideally, one would use communication data going back in time as far as possible—thus, while telecomm companies are sharing data, you would want them to go back as far as possible. This would also be useful in case you wanted to do sequence and timing analysis—e.g., it’s not just who you call, but it’s when you call (say after some event), or that you called Anne after Joe called you.

Obviously, there are lots of difficult issues re sampling. Further, one would hypothesize that any terrorist worth their salt would be careful about recording contact information, and, more generally, their use of electronic communication. And I would guess that most of the people that terrorists communicate with are non-terrorists, and their contacts, in turn, are even less likely to be terrorists, so the vast majority of people caught in this net are going to be non-terrorists. So, to mix metaphors, one may have removed from the haystack proportionally more hay than needles, but you are still left with a very large haystack with just a few needles.

Once one has identified some risky nodes, the next step would be to monitor actual communications. Presumably, the NSA has finite capacity to have humans listen to conversations, and thus the key management question is how to allocate this scarce resource. The first level of monitoring would therefore simply be recording of conversations. Presumably, this is fairly cheap to do, so, putting civil liberties concerns aside, one would adopt a pretty low risk threshold for recording. This would allow going back in time for human monitoring if an individual were subsequently identified as high risk. A second level, if it is technically possible (at some level it surely is), would be to apply voice recognition to those recordings, where the content of conversations would adjust the evaluated risk level of those nodes. Further, such voice recognition could pick out candidate snippets of conversations for human monitoring. Such “snippet-based? monitoring, I think, would explain why the FISA court process was circumvented, since it might result in the brief, human-based monitoring of a very large number of people (conceivably exceeding the number of warrants approved by the FISA court in its history very quickly), and in the computerized monitoring of a still larger numbers of people. That is, the oversight process specified by FISA would be unable to cope with the sheer volume of requests. Further, the basis of monitoring these snippets is probably weaker than what has traditionally been brought before the FISA court. It would also explain why some defenders of the policy (who presumably know more than has been publicly released) have stated that having a computer monitor your conversation was not a privacy intrusion (thus suggesting that a major component of the program did involve computerized monitoring).

This is the less expansive scenario that I have come up with (although how expansive it is depends on a number of parameters—how many steps out one goes from the initial sample, what is the threshold for monitoring, etc, so the actual numbers of people who are in some fashion caught in the net might number anywhere from thousands to millions). This is a pretty rudimentary analysis, as compared to how one would actually do it, but I think has the essential ingredients. My next entry will consider a more expansive scenario.

December 30, 2005

Social network analysis, the NSA, and “pattern analysis?

The story about the NSA eavesdropping program has received a lot of attention over the last week. The follow up story has received somewhat less attention, but may be more important, see story from December 24 NYT: Spy Agency Mined Vast Data Trove, Officials Report (by ERIC LICHTBLAU and JAMES RISEN):

“What has not been publicly acknowledged is that N.S.A. technicians, besides actually eavesdropping on specific conversations, have combed through large volumes of phone and Internet traffic in search of patterns that might point to terrorism suspects. Some officials describe the program as a large data-mining operation.?

“A former technology manager at a major telecommunications company said that since the Sept. 11 attacks, the leading companies in the industry have been storing information on calling patterns and giving it to the federal government to aid in tracking possible terrorists.

"All that data is mined with the cooperation of the government and shared with them, and since 9/11, there's been much more active involvement in that area," said the former manager…

This is a remarkable story, and raises some interesting questions: (1) exactly what data are telecomm companies sharing with the government; (2) what could usefully be gleaned from these data; and (3) what are the privacy implications?

There is a lot more we don’t know about this story than we do know, but it is worth beginning a discussion on the value and the costs of these data under different scenarios of exactly what information is being shared. My next few entries will aim to begin a discussion on these issues, grounded primarily in a social network perspective.

Briefly, what data do telecomm companies have? Focusing on the telephone data, for now, they have (1) phone log data; (2) varying amounts of locational information for cell phones; and (3) varying amounts of information linking individuals to particular phone numbers (e.g., not so much for some pay as you go phones, more for other types of phones). My understanding is that little remains of the bits that flow over the network (i.e., the content).

These are thus a type of social network data, along the lines of my preceding entry on the “behavioral flows? of relationships. That is, for any given dyad one can observe the timing and duration of calls.

Whose phone data is being tracked? It is not clear from the article. Clearly, the focus is on international communication (domestic to international, and international to international calls routed through switches that are on US soil). Is purely domestic communication also being tracked? The article suggests not:

“This so-called "pattern analysis" on calls within the United States would, in many circumstances, require a court warrant if the government wanted to trace who calls whom.?

This sentence is ambiguous, however—e.g., given that the sharing of data by the telecomm companies is voluntary, what are the statutory limits on their sharing data with the government? Is there a prohibition on a telecomm company voluntarily handing over information to the government regarding one of their customers’ phone logs? I do not know of such a prohibition, but if a reader does, please do comment.

For the next entry: Given that these are essentially social network data, from what we know from the research on social networks, what insights might they yield?

November 17, 2005

Adapting to different social circles: Are people changing their online personality depending on the social context?

When it comes to social software, a myriad of platforms and websites sprang out of the ground during the last couple of years: The Social Networking Services Meta list shows 380 different social networking platforms, covering interest areas such as business networking, dating, friend networking, pet networking, photo sharing or face-to-face facilitating sites.

It seems as if all these content areas are targeting different user groups, therefore different social circles in which the users are active.

Even though, it might be that some of the circles have overlapping neighborhoods of actors, it is more likely, that people would chose different social networking platforms for different purposes: for example, A might probably want to connect to B for dating purposes on a different platform than the one he uses with C for business contacts.

This leads to my question: Are people changing their personality (or at least are they (inter)acting differently, displaying different kinds of information = showing a different face) on different platforms? If so, where are the differences and why are they occurring?

One way of analyzing these differences would be a) to conduct a self-study or b) to collect data on people that you know of who signed up for different platforms. What would be a robust way to analyze these differences?

Looking forward to your comments :)